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Ocean Opportunities

Connectivity of Greenshell mussels from national to regional scales - Population Genetics with the Victoria University of Wellington (New Zealand).

Evolutionary genomics of marine vertebrates (part time job #112-20001) with the Senckenberg Gesellschaft für Naturforschung (SGN) (Germany).

Marine zoology (part time - job #01-20004) with the Senckenberg Gesellschaft für Naturforschung (SGN) (Germany).

Adaptive potential of the Artic key stone species Polar cod in a changing ocean with the Alfred Wegener Institut (Germany).

Deadline February 21, 2020, but applicants should contact the primary supervisor, and submit their Expression of Interest (EOI) and Application as soon as possible.

Colour vision in coral reef fish with five cone spectral sensitivities with the Visual Ecology and Sensory Neurobiology Lab, University of Queensland (Australia).

Quantifying the marine ecosystem functions and services provided by restoration of biogenic native oyster reefs in European temperate coastal systems with the University of Portsmouth (England).

Salmon behavior as response to environmental factors in commercial sea cages with NTNU - Norwegian University of Science and Technology (Norway).

Impact of sea ice loss on dense water formation in the

How climate change stressors affect the activity of diazotrophs, and how they will impact phytoplankton biodiversity and productivity in the future ocean with the Leibniz Institute for Baltic Sea Research Warnemünde (IOW) (Germany).

The role of microbiome on the physiological stress responses and stress tolerance of an invertebrate host (the Pacific oyster Crassostrea gigas) (part-time) with the Leibniz Institute for Baltic Sea Research (IOW) (Germany).

Applicants should contact the primary supervisor, and submit their Expression of Interest (EOI) and application as soon as possible.

The role of small river plumes and estuarine exchange in driving the ecological functioning of the coastal ocean with the University of Tasmania (Australia).

nutrigenomics approach to assess the nutritional needs of tropical (Panulirus ornatus) and slipper (Thenus australiensis) lobster with the University of Tasmania (Australia).

An investigation of current and projected environmental variability on the Kerguelen Plateau and its likely impact on mackerel icefish (Champsocephalus gunnari) and bycatch species with the University of Tasmania (Australia).

Characterising shell development of the Pacific oyster using the novel application of nuclear technologies with the University of Tasmania (Australia).

Feeding strategies to optimizing feed intake of juvenile tropical (Panulirus ornatus) and slipper lobster (Thenus australiensis);

Amino acid requirements of juvenile tropical (Panulirus ornatus) and slipper lobster (Thenus australiensis): towards the development of effective formulated feeds with the University of Tasmania (Australia).

An investigation of the feasibility of trans-generational immunity as a health management strategy in lobster aquaculture with the University of Tasmania (Australia).

Producing new, high-resolution records of relative sea-level change from tropical, sub-tropical, and temperature locations using microfossil (e.g., foraminifera, diatoms, pollen), geochemical (e.g., stable carbon isotopes), or novel (e.g., DNA signatures) proxies with Hong Kong University (Hong Kong).

Developing sea-level databases spanning the Last Glacial Maximum to present to reveal spatio-temporal patterns and mechanisms of past relative sea-level change, particularly on Chinese, Australian, African, and Scandinavian coastlines with Hong Kong University (Hong Kong).

Deciphering mechanisms of paleoenvironmental change and carbon storage in coastal settings with Hong Kong University (Hong Kong).

Annual Report

By Kim Golombisky, interim director If 2019 felt a little like a rodeo, the Z-School rode the bull to the bell.

Culminating with the new website, last year turned out to be incredibly productive

super-talent and moving into a fabulous new TV studio to boasting six Z-students nominated

The faculty launched new curricula, brainstormed on consolidation and

co-oped with industry on behalf of our 943 graduate and undergraduate students.

I’m delighted to brag about the students, scholars, educators, and administrators

So Happy New Year, and indulge me this traditional annual news roundup.

Our biggest curriculum story last year is an initiative with Innovative Education

at WUSF’s TV studios where we outfitted a new HD control room, studio and classroom.

Back in the Zimmerman building, we transformed our original studio and control room

For both degrees, we continue to refine curricula to stay on top of what the industry

In December, a panel of community partners assisted us with undergraduate

Last year we also launched our second master’s degree, the M.S.

in mass communications with concentrations in strategic communication

in advertising coincides with the first “+1” class of the “ZAP+1” program

ZAP (Zimmerman Advertising Program) offers an undergraduate business degree in advertising, which includes the option

Professor Ryan Watson’s popular drone videography program continues to grow.

Lab to produce eight new 3D models in photogrammetry, which uses photography for surveys and mapping.

Professor Coby O’Brien’s brand new “Gen Ed” online general education service course

VIC 3001 Visual Literacy debuted in the fall with 135 students.

More than 250 students are pursuing the undergraduate Visualization &

We continue the consolidation work begun in April 2018 with our sister program in

Zimmerman students work with real clients across the curriculum, including advertising,

public relations, strategic communication, brand journalism, promotional video classes

and more, producing everything from one-time research projects to turnkey campaigns.

Professor Kateryna Komarova produced an educational video on best organizational practices

WUSF aired the Telling Tampa Bay Stories series with interviews conducted by our Advanced Reporting students.

WUSF published student stories, videos and photos on its website and social media as part of a multimedia story

Advanced Reporting videos were viewed millions of times after being published on Snapchat

and News Editing worked on news shows that aired in Tampa Bay, currently the country’s

Undergraduate Director Wendy Whitt placed 250 Zimmerman School student interns with

Z-School interns worked in advertising and public relations agencies, governments,

TV stations, production studios, nonprofits and companies throughout the Tampa Bay

of Thunder Marching Band captain and worked as a social media intern for the Holiday

Daynah Singh, another IPRA student, earned two prestigious advertising honors.

Journalism Contest: Chevali Guzman won 3rd place for commentary, and Sam Newlon won

Of the 67 USF students nominated for USF’s inaugural class of Phi Beta Kappa last

But mass communications has its own national honor society, Kappa Tau Alpha (KTA).

This year USF KTA faculty advisor Kelli Burns inducted 23 of the Z-School’s best students.

The Z-School's Ad Club added 50 new members last year.

with the English Honor Society, hosted an author talk in the spring with visiting

has become an annual student resume and cover letter workshop.

received a 2019 Star Chapter designation from parent organization Public Relations

Daynah Singh had a copywriting job at 22squared waiting at graduation.

Some of our graduates were accepted into prestigious journalism graduate programs,

December grad Aldo Puccini is part of a research team heading to the Iowa Caucuses

None of these student successes would be possible without the faculty and staff.

journalist, spent the year inspiring our students as the James A.

wrote the early investigative pieces about Florida’s infamous Dozier School and the

We persuaded three visiting instructors to join the faculty permanently in 2019: Ryan

Watson, the cinematographer who built our drone videography program;

and Deborah Bowen, whose fall media writing students

We welcomed three new faces to the Z-School—all experts in digital analytics.

emerging media, media analytics, big data and computational research methods.

Andy Jeon joined us as visiting assistant professor in advertising.

the roles of emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence and virtual reality

Our new visiting instructor of journalism analytics is an old friend of students and

muse at Media General, where she schooled us all in producing and managing digital

On other faculty fronts, Kimberly Walker earned tenure and promotion.

Wayne Garcia was promoted to master instructor and then spent the fall as an academic

Janelle Applequist submitted her well-received tenure and promotion application, which

is wending its way through levels of approvals, and, Travis Bell, after changing titles

from senior instructor to assistant professor in August, submitted his mid-tenure

At the spring 2019 College of Arts and Sciences Service Luncheon, teaching lab manager

our engineer, was honored for 15 years of service.

a van of students to volunteer with the LGBTQ+ community in Atlanta during spring

Berit Van Neste, our academic program specialist and the graduate program coordinator,

do what we do without their efforts advising almost 900 undergraduates, mostly one-on-one.

as expert news sources on stories covering everything from sports and social media

for print, audio, video and web news, including National Public Radio and the BBC

On their own, Z-Faculty then also published 45 print, audio and web stories in mainstream

The faculty provides extensive service to the industry, community, university, and

academic disciplines locally, regionally, nationally and internationally.

In 2019 they collectively published three scholarly books, 21 research articles and

Beginning with creative activity, Ryan Watson continues to serve as director of video

multi-camera live streaming for the 2020 music festival in January.

Zimmerman faculty sit on the editorial boards of academic journals, as well, including

We presented 22 academic conference papers, three of which earned top paper honors,

Zimmerman faculty and graduate students participated in the usual alphabet soup of

At the April Z-School Awards and Honors Banquet, nearly 70 Zimmerman students were awarded $122,750 from 20 scholarship funds designated

Carter’s award-winning journalism, significant community service and commitments

Thomas, a popular radio host, founded the audio entertainment company Tinkercast.

In addition to the many “real clients” our students work with, we are grateful to

our industry colleagues who volunteer as mentors, guest speakers, internship sponsors

Ditto gratitude to our gracious alumni who not only contribute so generously to the

Henry Kissinger

During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated the opening of relations with the People's Republic of China, engaged in what became known as shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East to end the Yom Kippur War, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, ending American involvement in the Vietnam War.

Kissinger has also been associated with such controversial policies as U.S. involvement in the 1973 Chilean military coup, a 'green light' to Argentina's military junta for their Dirty War, and U.S. support for Pakistan during the Bangladesh War despite the genocide being perpetrated by his allies.[7]

On June 19, 1943, while stationed in South Carolina, at the age of 20 years, he became a naturalized U.S. citizen. The army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, but the program was canceled, and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division.

Notably, Kissinger's primat der aussenpolitik approach to diplomacy took it for granted that as long as the decision-makers in the major states were willing to accept the international order, then it is 'legitimate' with questions of public opinion and morality dismissed as irrelevant.[32]

The book which was a critique of the Eisenhower Administration's 'massive retaliation' nuclear doctrine caused much controversy at the time with its advocacy of using tactical nuclear weapons on a regular basis to win wars.[34]

Keen to have a greater influence on U.S. foreign policy, Kissinger became foreign policy advisor to the presidential campaigns of Nelson Rockefeller, supporting his bids for the Republican nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968.[35]

On Nixon's last full day in office, in the meeting where he informed Ford of his intention to resign the next day, he advised Ford that he felt it was very important that he keep Kissinger in his new administration, to which Ford agreed.[39]

and Kissinger appeared deeply ambivalent about it (donating his prize money to charity, not attending the award ceremony and later offering to return his prize medal[40]).

The Pakistani back channel to China worked very slowly not least because Yahya Khan expected to be paid bribes for his help, and only six months later in February 1970 did Yahya Khan pass on a message to Nixon from Mao expressing interest.[51]

In his memoirs Kissinger portrayed Yahya Khan as an honorable soldier who never asked for any rewards for his work as an intermediary, but in fact he demanded extensive American military supplies and support for Pakistan's long running feud with India as the price of his help.[52] When Chiang Ching-kuo, the son and heir apparent of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek arrived in Washington in April 1970 for a visit, both Nixon and Kissinger promised him that they would never abandon Taiwan or make any compromises with Mao Zedong, through Nixon did speak vaguely of his wish to improve relations with the People's Republic.[53]

During his visit to Beijing, the main issue turned out to be Taiwan as Zhou demanded the United States recognize that Taiwan was a legitimate part of the People's Republic of China, pull out U.S. forces out of Taiwan, and end military support for the Kuomintang regime, saying that once the Taiwan issue was resolved, there would be no outstanding problems in Sino-American relations.[57]

Out of concern to be not be seen abandoning an ally, the United States tried to promote a compromise under which both Chinese regimes would be UN members through Kissinger called it 'an essentially doomed rearguard action'.[60] At the same time that the American ambassador to the UN, George H.W.

During his second visit to Beijing, Kissinger told Zhou that accordingly to a public opinion poll that 62% of Americans wanted Taiwan to remain an UN member and asked him to consider the 'two Chinas' compromise to avoid offending American public opinion.[62]

by 1971, the general consensus around the world was that Chiang was delusional in believing that he would one day return in triumph to the mainland to take back control from the Communist 'rebels' who had defeated him in 1949 and it was absurd to have the Republic of China which only controlled Taiwan to be representing China at the UN.[67]

While Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of Liaison Offices in the Chinese and American capitals, with serious implications for Indochinese matters, full normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China would not occur until 1979, because the Watergate scandal overshadowed the latter years of the Nixon presidency and because the United States continued to recognize the Republic of China on Taiwan.

To force the North Vietnamese to sign an armistice, Nixon favored a two-pronged approach of the 'madman theory' of seeking to act rashly to intimate the North Vietnamese while at the same time trying using the strategy of 'linkage' to improve relations with the Soviet Union and China in order to persuade both these nations to stop sending arms to North Vietnam..[70]

In office, and assisted by Kissinger, Nixon implemented a policy of Vietnamization that aimed to gradually withdraw U.S. troops while expanding the combat role of the South Vietnamese Army so that it would be capable of independently defending its government against the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam, a Communist guerrilla organization, and the North Vietnamese army (Vietnam People's Army or PAVN).

In an article published in Foreign Affairs in January 1969, Kissinger criticized General William Westmoreland's attrition strategy because the Vietnamese Communists were willing to accept far higher losses on the battlefield than the United States and could therefore 'win' as long as they did not 'lose' by merely keeping the war going.[71]

In the same article, he argued that losses endured by the Vietnamese Communists in the Tet Offensive were meaningless as the Tet Offensive had turned American public opinion against the war, ruling out the possibility of a military solution, and the best that could be done now was to negotiate the most favorable peace settlement at the Paris peace talks.[46]

The lengthy volume that emerged contained a diverse collection of opinions with some stating the South Vietnamese were making 'rapid strides' while others doubted that the government in Saigon would 'ever constitute an effective political or military counter to the Vietcong'.[73]

The 'bulls' estimated that American troops would need to fight on in Vietnam for 8.3 years before the South Vietnamese would be able to fight on their own while the 'bears' estimated it take 13.4 years of American troops fighting in Vietnam before the South Vietnamese would be able to fight on their own.[73]

In early 1969, Kissinger was opposed to the plans for Operation Menu, the bombing of Cambodia, fearing that Nixon was acting rashly with no plans for the diplomatic fall-out, but on 16 March 1969 Nixon at a meeting at the White House attended by Kissinger announced the bombing would start the next day.[74]

As part of the 'linkage' concept, Kissinger in March 1969 sent Cyrus Vance to Moscow with the message that if the Soviet Union pressured North Vietnam into a diplomatic settlement favorable to the United States, the reward would be concessions on the talks on limiting the nuclear arms race.[76]

Nixon and Kissinger played a 'good cop-bad cop' routine with Dobrynin with Nixon acting the part of the petulant president at the end of his patience with North Vietnam while Kissinger acted as the reasonable diplomat anxious to improve relations with the Soviet Union, saying to Dobrynin in May 1969 that Nixon would 'escalate the war' if the Soviet Union 'didn't produce a settlement' in Vietnam.[78]

After the failure of the 'linkage' attempt, Nixon became more open to the alternative strategy suggested by the Defense Secretary Melvin Laird who argued that the burden of the war should be shifted to the South Vietnamese, which was initially called 'de-Americanization' and which Laird renamed Vietnamization because it sounded better.[79]

In the same memo, Kissinger stated he was 'deeply disturbed' that Nixon had started pulling out U.S. troops, saying that withdrawing the troops was like 'salted peanuts' to the American people, 'the more U.S troops come home, the more will be demanded', giving the advantage to the enemy who merely had to 'wait us out'.[37]

Reflecting his background as a Harvard professor of political science who belonged to the Primat der Aussenpolitik school which saw foreign policy as belonging only to a small elite, Kissinger was less sensitive to public opinion than Laird, a former Republican congressman who constantly advised Nixon to keep American public opinion in mind.[37]

Kissinger played a key role in bombing Cambodia to disrupt PAVN and Viet Cong units launching raids into South Vietnam from within Cambodia's borders and resupplying their forces by using the Ho Chi Minh trail and other routes, as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Khmer Rouge targets in Cambodia.

Kissinger was to meet Tho three times between February-April 1970, and the North Vietnamese first sensed a softening of the American position during these talks as Kissinger slightly altered the 'mutual withdrawal formula' that the Americans had previously held to.[83] Nixon was gravely disappointed that the secret talks in Paris did not have the prompt results he wanted.[84]

Kissinger wrote in his memoirs that 'historians rarely do justice to the psychological stress on a policy-maker', noting that by early 1970 Nixon was feeling very much besieged and inclined to lash out against a world he was believed was plotting his downfall.[85]

Nixon had become obsessed with the film Patton, seeing how the film presented Patton as a solitary and misunderstood genius whom the world did not appreciate a parallel to himself and kept watching the film over and over again.[84]

Cambodia had descended into chaos by late March 1970 as Lon Nol regime to prove its nationalist credibility organized pogroms against the Vietnamese minority, leading the North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong to attack and defeat Cambodia's weak army.[85]

In his interview with Karnow, Kissinger maintained he felt torn about where he stood and blamed Nixon for his failure to find 'the language of respect and compassion that might have created a bridge at least to the more reasonable elements of the antiwar movement'.[90]

A number of Republican politicians complained to Nixon that his stance on Vietnam was hurting their chances for congressional elections in November 1970, leading the president to say to Kissinger it was natural that liberals like Senator George McGovern and Senator Mark Hatfield wanted to 'bug out...But when the Right starts wanting to get out, for whatever reason, that's our problem'.[104]

In an attempt to change Nixon's image, Kissinger and Nixon devised the notion of a 'standstill cease-fire' where both sides would occupy whatever areas of South Vietnam they were holding at the time of the ceasefire, an offer that Nixon publicly made in a television address on 7 October 1970.[105] In his speech, Nixon apparently moved way from the 'mutual withdrawal formula' the North Vietnamese kept rejecting by not mentioning it, winning much acclaim, even from his opponents like McGovern and Hatfield (through he also said the withdraw of U.S. forces would be 'based on principles' he had 'previously' discussed, i.e.

the 'mutual withdrawal formula').[106] Kissinger and Nixon both disliked the idea of a 'standstill ceasefire' as weakening South Vietnam, but fearing if Nixon continued on his present course, he would not be reelected in 1972, the offer was seen as worth the risk, especially since the North Vietnamese rejected it.[107]

In late 1970, Nixon and Kissinger became concerned that the North Vietnamese would launch a major offensive in 1972 to coincide with presidential election, making it imperative to cut the Ho Chi Minh Trail in 1971 to prevent the Communists from building up their forces.[109]

In March, Kissinger sent his deputy Haig to inspect the situation personally, leading him to report that the ARVN officers lacked courage and did not want to fight, making retreat the only option.[111] The retreat when it began turned into a rout.[111]

Kissinger wrote Lam Son had fallen 'far short of our expectations', which he blamed on bad American planning, poor South Vietnamese tactics and Nixon's leadership style, leading Karnow to write he blamed 'everyone, characteristically, except himself'.[112]

By early 1972, Nixon boosted that he had pulled out 400, 000 U.S soldiers from Vietnam since July 1969, and battle deaths had fallen from an average of 200 per week in 1969 down to an average of 10 per week in 1972.[114]

With the antiwar movement in decline by 1972, Nixon believed his chances of reelection were good, but Kissinger kept complaining that he was losing 'negotiating assets' in his talks with Tho every time a withdrawal of American forces was announced.[114]

Likewise, Kissinger noted that the major reason why Congress despite the antiwar feelings of many of its members kept voting to fund the war was because the argument it was patriotic to support 'our boys in the field';

In early 1972, Nixon publicly revealed that Kissinger had secretly negotiating with Tho since 1970 to prove that he was really was committed to peace in Vietnam despite what the antiwar movement had been saying about him for the last three years.[114]

Reflecting Kissinger's weakening hand in his talks with Tho, Nixon had increasingly come by 1971–72 to believe that 'linkage' concept of improving relations with the Soviet Union and China in exchange for those nations cutting off the supply of weapons to North Vietnam offered his best chance of a favorable peace deal.[114]

Despite Nixon's coming visit, in late 1971 the Chinese drastically increased their military aid to North Vietnam and continued to send a massive amount of weapons south even as Nixon and Kissinger exchanged pleasantries with Mao and Zhou in Beijing.[117] As usual, when the Chinese increased their supply of arms to North Vietnam, the Soviet Union did likewise as both Communist states competed with one another for influence in Hanoi by tying to be the biggest supplier of weapons.[117]

Kissinger informed Brezhnev the United States wanted all of the PAVN divisions taking part in the present offensive returned to North Vietnam at once, a 'demand' that many historians argue was in fact a disguised concession as Kissinger only mentioned the divisions sent south for the Eastern Offensive, presumably meaning that the PAVN divisions who had arrived before the Easter Offensive could stay, thus abandoning the 'mutual withdrawal formula' that Tho had rejected out of hand so many times.[119]

As the bombings and mining of North Vietnam, Nixon and even more so Kissinger waited anxiously for the Soviet reaction, and much to their relief received only the standard statement decrying the American action and a diplomatic note complaining that American aircraft had bombed a Soviet freighter in Haiphong harbor.[122]

The North Vietnamese were moving towards taking up the 'standstill ceasefire' offer and ordered the Viet Cong to seize as much territory as possible in preparation for a 'leopard's spot' ceasefire (so called because the patchwork of territories controlled by the Viet Cong and the Saigon government resembled the spots on a leopard's fur).[123]

On 1 August 1972, Kissinger met Tho again in Paris, and for first time, he seemed willing to compromise, saying that political and military terms of an armistice could be treated separately and hinted that his government was no longer willing to make the overthrow of Thiệu a precondition.[123]

Tho believed that Kissinger was as he later it put 'in a rush' for a peace deal before the presidential election, and began with he called 'a very realistic and very simple proposal' for a ceasefire that would see the Americans pull all their forces out of Vietnam in exchange for the release of all the POWs in North Vietnam.[125]

As for the ultimate fate of South Vietnam, Tho proposed the creation of a 'council of national reconciliation' that would govern the nation, but in the meantime Thiệu could stay in power until the council was formed while a 'leopard's spot' ceasefire would come into effect with the Viet Cong and the Saigon government controlling whatever territories they were had at the time of the ceasefire.[125]

However, neither Kissinger nor Nixon appreciated that for Thiệu any sort of peace deal calling for withdrawal of American forces was unacceptable and he saw the draft peace agreement that Kissinger signed in Paris on 18 October 1972 as a betrayal.[128]

The meeting went extremely badly with Thiệu engaged that Kissinger did not take the time to translate the draft peace treaty into Vietnamese, bringing with him only an English language copy.[128] The meeting went from bad to worse with Thiệu having a meltdown as he broke down in tears and hysterically accused Kissinger of plotting with the Soviet Union and China to betray him, saying he could never accept this peace agreement.[128]

During these 11 days that consisted of the heaviest bombing of the entire war, B-52 bombers flew 3, 000 sorties and dropped 40, 000 tons of bombs on Hanoi and Haiphong.[132]

Thiệu once again rejected the peace agreement, only to receive an ultimatum from Nixon: 'You must decide now whether you desire to continue our alliance or whether you want me to seek a settlement with the enemy which serves U.S. interests alone'.[133]

The peace agreement put into effect the 'leopard's spot' ceasefire with the Viet Cong being allowed to rule whatever parts of South Vietnam they held at the time of the ceasefire and all of the North Vietnamese troops in South Vietnam were allowed to stay, putting the Communists in a strong position to eventually take over South Vietnam.[133]

On 4 June 1973, the Senate passed a bill that already cleared the House of Representatives to block funding for any American military operations in Indochina and Kissinger spent much of the summer of 1973 lobbying Congress to extent the deadline to 15 August in order to keep bombing Cambodia.[136]

But Thiệu's unwillingness to crackdown on corruption and end the system under which ARVN officers were promoted for political loyalty instead of military merit were structural weaknesses that spelled long term problems for his regime.[137]

As the South Vietnamese economy to collapse under the weight of inflation caused by the Arab oil shock and rampant corruption, by the summer of 1974, the U.S. embassy reported that morale in the ARVN had fallen to dangerously low levels and it was uncertain how much more longer South Vietnam would last.[138]

Nixon felt his administration had neglected relations with the Western European states in his first term and in September 1972 decided that if he was reelected that 1973 would be the 'Year of Europe' as the United States would focus on relations with the states of the European Economic Community (EEC) which had emerged as a serious economic rival by 1970.[161]

Applying his favorite 'linkage' concept, Nixon intended henceforward economic relations with Europe would not be severed from security relations, and if the EEC states wanted changes in American tariff and monetary polices, the price would be defense spending on their part.[162]

In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir on March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated, 'The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern.

Sadat's liked to say that his favorite game was backgammon, a game where skill and persistence was rewarded, but was best won by sudden gambles, making an analogy between how he played backgammon and conducted his diplomacy.[168]

Sadat expected as a reward that the United States would respond by pressuring Israel to return the Sinai to Egypt, but after his anti-Soviet move prompted no response from the United States, by November 1972 Sadat moved again closer to the Soviet Union, buying a massive amount of Soviet arms for a war he planned to launch against Israel in 1973.[168]

At the time, the general feeling in Washington was the Saudis were bluffing and nothing would come of their threat to impose an oil embargo.[172] The fact that Faisal's ineffectual half brother King Saud had imposed a cripplingly oil embargo on Britain and France during the Suez War of 1956 was not considered an important precedent.

The CEOs of four of America's oil companies had after speaking to Faisal arrived in Washington in May 1973 with the warning that Faisal was considerably more tougher, intelligent and ruthless than his half-brother Saud whom he had deposed in 1964, and his threats were serious.[173]

Throughout the 1960s, the price for a barrel of oil remained at $1.80, meaning that with the effects of inflation considered the price of oil in real terms got progressively lower and lower throughout the decade with Americans paying less for oil in 1969 than they had in 1959.[176]Even after a price for a barrel of oil rose to $2.00 in 1971, adjusted for inflation, people in the Western nations were paying less for oil in 1971 than they had in 1958.[176]

He says Golda Meir's decision not to preempt was wise and reasonable, balancing the risk of Israel looking like the aggressor and Israel's actual ability to strike within such a brief span of time.[178]

Kissinger wanted to stall a ceasefire to ggain more time for Israel to push across the Suez Canal to the African side, and wanted to be perceived as a mere presidential emissary whom to consult the White House all the time as a stalling tactic.[178]

Knowing that King Hussein was a moderate who a voice for peace and fearing that he might be overthrown by his subjects if Jordan did not fight, Meir gave her permission for the king to send his troops to fight against her nation.

Kissinger promised the Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir the United States would replace its losses in equipment after the war, but sought initially to delay arm shipments to Israel as believed it would improve the odds of making peace along the lines of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 calling for a 'land for peace' deal if an armistice was signed with Egypt and Syria gaining some territory in the Sinai and the Golan Heights respectively.[181]

Israel took heavy losses in men and material during the fighting against Egypt and Syria, and on 18 October 1973 Meir requested $850 million worth of American arms and equipment to replace its material losses.[183]

Nixon decided characteristically to act on an epic scale and instead of the $850 million worth of arms requested sent some $2 billion worth of arms to Israel as he boasted that the U.S. Air Force flew more sorties to Israel in October 1973 than it had during the Berlin Airlift of 1948–49.[183]

Lacey wrote about the impact of the Arab oil embargo of 1973–74 that for people in the West life suddenly become 'slower, darker and chiller' as gasoline was rationed, the lights were turned off in Times Square, the 'gas guzzler' automobiles stopped selling, speed limits became common and restrictions were placed on weekend driving in a bid to conserve fuel.[175]

As the American automobile industry specialized in producing heavy 'gas guzzler' vehicles, there was an immediate shift on the part of consumers to the lighter and more fuel efficient vehicles produced by the Japanese and West German automobile industries, sending the American automobile industry into decline.

The years from 1945 to 1973 had been a period of unprecedented prosperity in the West, a 'long summer' that many believed would never end, and its abrupt end in 1973 as the oil embargo which increased the price of oil by 400% within a matter of days threw the world's economy into a sharp recession with unemployment mounting and inflation raging came as a profound shock.[186]

In the midst of the war, in what journalist Elizabeth Drew called “Strangelove Day,” Kissinger put U.S. military forces on DEFCON 3 late in the evening of October 24, in what a historian argues is 'best understood as an emotional response to a misunderstanding' with Soviet ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin.[45]

Israel regained the territory it lost in the early fighting and gained new territories from Syria and Egypt, including land in Syria east of the previously captured Golan Heights, and additionally on the western bank of the Suez Canal, although they did lose some territory on the eastern side of the Suez Canal that had been in Israeli hands since the end of the Six-Day War.

Kissinger discovered that King Faisal was a worthy companion to Lê Đức Thọ in terms of stubbornness as the king accused the United States of being biased in favor of Israel, instead engaging in a long rant about the balefulness of 'Jewish Communists' in Russia and Israel, and despite all of Kissinger's efforts to charm him, refused to end the oil embargo.[190]

In February 1974, King Faisal chaired the second summit of Islamic states (which unlike the first summit Faisal had chaired in 1969 was not boycotted by Iraq and Syria), where he was acclaimed as a conquering hero who humiliated and humbled the West by wrecking its economy, and henceforward Kissinger had to face a bloc of Muslim states who were far more assertive and self-confident than before.[191]

Only on 19 March 1974 did the king end the oil embargo after Sadat, whom he trusted, reported to him that the United States was being more 'evenhanded' and after Kissinger had promised to sell Saudi Arabia weapons that it had previously denied under the grounds that they might be used against Israel.[192]

More importantly, Saudi Arabia had billions of dollars invested in Western banks, and the massive bout of inflation set off by the oil embargo was a threat to this fortune as inflation eroded the value of the money, giving Faisal a vested interest in helping to contain the damage he himself inflicted on the economies of the West.[193]

He might then allow himself to be driven back to the attainable, fighting a dogged rear guard action that made clear that concessions could be exacted only at a heavy price and that discouraged excessive expectations of them.

A childlike man whose upbringing was warped by his overbearing and violent father, Reza Khan, the last Shah had a pathological and desperate need for American approval that closely resembled the way he needed his father's approval which he never received.[201]

The sudden ending of support caused the overexposed peshmerga to be rapidly defeated and as the British journalist Patrick Brogan noted that '...the Iraqis celebrated their victory in the usual manner, by executing as many of the rebels as they could lay their hands on'.[202]

The case was later dismissed by a U.S. District Court, citing separation of powers: 'The decision to support a coup of the Chilean government to prevent Dr. Allende from coming to power, and the means by which the United States Government sought to effect that goal, implicate policy makers in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to the political branches.'[225]

Decades later the CIA admitted its involvement in the kidnapping of General Schneider, but not his murder, and subsequently paid the group responsible for his death $35,000 'to keep the prior contact secret, maintain the goodwill of the group, and for humanitarian reasons.'[226][227]

Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine military, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the elected government of Isabel Perón in 1976 with a process called the National Reorganization Process by the military, with which they consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and 'disappearances' against political opponents.

An October 1987 investigative report in The Nation broke the story of how, in a June 1976 meeting in the Hotel Carrera in Santiago, Kissinger gave the military junta in neighboring Argentina the 'green light' for their own clandestine repression against leftwing guerrillas and other dissidents, thousands of whom were kept in more than 400 secret concentration camps before they were executed.

Bob Hill, who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires, a very conservative Republican politician -- by no means liberal or anything of the kind, began to report quite effectively about what was going on, this slaughter of innocent civilians, supposedly innocent civilians -- this vicious war that they were conducting, underground war.

Navasky later wrote in his book about being confronted by Kissinger, ''Tell me, Mr. Navasky,' [Kissinger] said in his famous guttural tones, 'how is it that a short article in a obscure journal such as yours about a conversation that was supposed to have taken place years ago about something that did or didn't happen in Argentina resulted in sixty people holding placards denouncing me a few months ago at the airport when I got off the plane in Copenhagen?''[234]

East Timor was a predominantly Roman Catholic nation that did not wish to join Muslim majority Indonesia, but Suharto in common with other Indonesian nationalists regarded East Timor as rightfully part of Indonesia in the same way that Indonesia had claimed Dutch New Guiana as a successor state to the Netherlands East Indies and tried to annex Malaysia when Britain granted independence in 1963.

In February 1976, Kissinger considered launching air strikes against ports and military installations in Cuba, as well as deploying Marine battalions based at the US Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, in retaliation for Cuban President Fidel Castro's decision in late 1975 to send troops to Angola to help the newly independent nation fend off attacks from South Africa and right-wing guerrillas.[240]

This service led in 2000 to his appointment as one of five IOC “honor members,” a category the organization described as granted to “eminent personalities from outside the IOC who have rendered particularly outstanding services to it.”[249]

The film is a visual and historical depiction of the ideas laid forth in the Wall Street Journal op-eds and reinforces their commitment to a world without nuclear weapons and the steps that can be taken to reach that goal.

Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies of U.S. Southern Command headquartered at NDU had not only been a member of Pinochet's DINA death squad operation (the same organization responsible for the 1976 car bomb murder of former Chilean Foreign Minister Orlando Letelier and American aide Ronni Karpen Moffitt less than a mile from the White House), but was in addition accused of participating in the torture and murder of seven detainees in Chile.

The whistleblower, Martin Edwin Andersen, was not only a senior staff member who earlier—as a senior advisor for policy planning at the Criminal Division of the U.S. Department of Justice—was the first national security whistleblower to receive the U.S. Office of Special Counsel's 'Public Servant Award,' but was also the same person who broke the story in The Nation on Kissinger's 'green light' for Argentina's dirty 'war.'[254][232]

In addition, he repeatedly warned the West against inserting itself into a conflict that has its roots at least hundreds of years back in time, and said that the West would do better if it allowed the Serbs and Croats to join their respective countries.[260]

However, as the Serbs did not accept the Rambouillet text and NATO bombings started, he opted for a continuation of the bombing as NATO's credibility was now at stake, but dismissed the use of ground forces, claiming that it was not worth it.[261]

In an interview on the BBC's Sunday AM on November 19, 2006, Kissinger was asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq and responded, 'If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible.

A few months before the Games opened, as controversy over China's human rights record was intensifying due to criticism by Amnesty International and other groups of the widespread use of the death penalty and other issues, Kissinger told the PRC's official press agency Xinhua: “I think one should separate Olympics as a sporting event from whatever political disagreements people may have had with China.

Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.–Iran talks was reported by the Tehran Times to be that 'Any direct talks between the U.S. and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet.'[276]

He further wrote in August 2017 that if the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran and its Shiite allies were allowed to fill the territorial vacuum left by a militarily defeated Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, the region would be left with a land corridor extending from Iran to the Levant 'which could mark the emergence of an Iranian radical empire.'[277]

In a question he posed to himself for illustration regarding re-conceiving policy regarding Ukraine, Kissinger stated: 'If Ukraine is considered an outpost, then the situation is that its eastern border is the NATO strategic line, and NATO will be within 200 miles (320 km) of Volgograd.

Kissinger argued that giving power to launch nuclear weapons to computers using algorithms to make decisions would eliminate the human factor and give the advantage to the state that had the most effective AI system as a computer can make decisions about war and peace far faster than any human ever could.[284]

Just as an AI-enhanced computer can win chess games by anticipating human decision-making, an AI-enhanced computer could be useful in a crisis as in a nuclear war, the side that strikes first would have the advantage by destroying the opponent's nuclear capacity.

Kissinger also noted there was always the danger that a computer would make a decision to start a nuclear war that before diplomacy had been exhausted or the algorithm controlling the AI might make a decision to start a nuclear war that would be not understandable to the operators.[285]

Kissinger also warned the use of AI to control nuclear weapons would impose 'opacity' on the decision-making process as the algorithms that control the AI system are not readily understandable, destabilizing the decision-making process as '...grand strategy requires an understanding of the capabilities and military deployments of potential adversaries.

In September 2001, relatives and survivors of General Rene Schneider (former head of the Chilean general staff) filed civil proceedings in Federal Court in Washington, DC, and, in April 2002, a petition for Kissinger's arrest was filed in the High Court in London by human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell,[291]

British-American journalist and author Christopher Hitchens authored The Trial of Henry Kissinger, in which Hitchens calls for the prosecution of Kissinger 'for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture'.[293][294][295][296]

Takeyh writes that while rapprochement with China was a worthy goal, the Nixon administration failed to achieve any meaningful concessions from Chinese officials in return, as China continued to support North Vietnam and various 'revolutionary forces throughout the Third World,' 'nor does there appear to be even a remote, indirect connection between Nixon and Kissinger's diplomacy and the communist leadership's decision, after Mao's bloody rule, to move away from a communist economy towards state capitalism.'

According to Kadura, the 'decent interval' concept has been 'largely misrepresented,' in that Nixon and Kissinger 'sought to gain time, make the North turn inward, and create a perpetual equilibrium' rather than acquiescing in the collapse of South Vietnam, but the strength of the anti-war movement and the sheer unpredictability of events in Indochina compelled them to prepare for the possibility that South Vietnam might collapse despite their best efforts.

In September 2012 Kissinger attended a home game in which SpVgg Greuther Fürth lost, 0–2, against Schalke after promising years ago he would attend a Greuther Fürth home game if they were promoted to the Bundesliga, the top football league in Germany, from the 2.

Semester Schedule | Claremont McKenna College

Robert Hassis a poet of great eloquence, clarity, and force, whose work is rooted in the landscapes of his native Northern California.

In his tenure as United States Poet Laureate, Robert Hass spent two years battling American illiteracy, armed with the mantra, “imagination makes communities.” He crisscrossed the country speaking at Rotary Club meetings, raising money to organize conferences such as “Watershed,” which brought together noted novelists, poets, and storytellers to talk about writing, nature, and community.

(Excerpted from The University of Arizona’s Poetry Center’s website.) One of contemporary American poetry’s most eclectic and formally innovative writers, Brenda Hillman is known for poems that draw on elements of found texts and document, personal meditation, observation, and literary theory.

And you’re always bound to fail.” Praising Hillman’s deft handling of form and subject, Marjorie Welish wrote, “Each poem … creates its own experimental configuration, within which the phrase swerves and discombobulates sense, as several registers of subject complicate the sampling of experiences and also as the experimental format throws the lyric into symbolic disarray one moment and naturalist scrutiny the next.

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