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Pursuit of a truly progressive political agenda can only be premised on an awareness of the intersection of race, gender and economic inequality: Race, Gender, and Economic Inequality: There are voluminous literatures addressing racial inequality and gender inequality.

Theoretically,the narratives about gender inequality invoke a host of conditions that are incommensurate with the circumstances associated with racial inequality and vice versa.This has led researchers to privilege one type of inequality at the expense of the other.Studies of racial inequality typically limit their attention to men while research about gender inequality most focuses on White women and men.

In reality, while a college degree may result in some improvement in life outcomes, it does little to undo the massive differences in wealth across race.Our data show that black women have far less wealth than white women regardless of level of education.

On the other hand, married white women, especially those with college degrees, are able to build wealth across age groups.Black women are the most disadvantaged as they show negative median wealth at different ages regardless of marital status.

Between 2009 and 2012, white women who graduated in the 2007–08 school year paid off an average of 33 percent of their student debt, while black women in that group managed to pay off less than 10 percent of their student debt.6 As a result, black women are less able to build wealth by saving for retirement or purchasing a home.

3) Inequality does not exist independently of such factors as race and gender discrimination: As globalization, technological change and the low-road strategy transform the economy, not all groups in the population are equally affected by crumbling wages, sluggish income growth and heightened economic polarization.

The black-white employment gap has also widened: In business cycle peak year 1973, black males were 88 percent as likely to be employed as white males, and black women were 105 percent as likely as white women(that is, more likely than white women).

While the open hostility and 'Whites Only' signs of the Jim Crow era have largely disappeared, research shows that identically qualified candidates for jobs and housing enjoy significantly different opportunities depending on their race… These modern discriminatory practices often combine with historical patterns.

High levels of Native American poverty derive not only from a history of wars, forced relocations, and broken treaties by the United States but also from ongoing breaches of trust -- like our government's failure to account for tens of billions of dollars that it was obligated to hold in trust for Native American individuals and families…  We cannot hope to address poverty in a meaningful or lasting way without addressing race-based barriers to opportunity.

6 The wealth gap for women of color is a chasm—pennies on the dollar compared to both white women and men.7 As a consequence, women disproportionately suffer the hardships imposed by economic inequality: Across a series of indicators, we find that women have higher rates of poverty and hardship than men, although the degree of the disparity varies.

25) Gender disparities in income are rooted in the gender segregation of work: In a hypothetical world with no occupational segregation, we might expect about 48 percent of workers in every occupation to be women, because about 48 percent of paid worker sare women.

30) Despite her best efforts, a woman is unlikely to ‘pull herself out’ of lower-paid employment, because of the obstacles she faces each time she applies for a job: There is a growing body of field-experimental evidence on gender discrimination in hiring in the United States.

Although these forces appear orthogonal to questions of racial inequality and do not necessarily have their origins in any racialized process, they have disproportionately harmed African Americans and other groups that are concentrated among the less affluent parts of society.Economists have also noted that changes to the overall economy may have different effects on different racial groups.

This improvement is limited, certainly, but it is not nothing.However, these relative gains were offset by changes to the income distribution that allocated a much smaller share of the national income to the poor and middle class, in which African Americans were and continue to be disproportionately concentrated, and a much larger share to the top 10 percent and especially the top 1percent—the portions of the distribution that remain the most disproportionately white.

These two forces almost perfectly balanced each other, resulting in hardly any net change in black–white income ratios.It is important to note that the mechanism I have described based on rising inequality at the national level operates distinctly from racial differences in family structure, which also contribute to racial disparities in family income.

Rather, as is the case in every other social, political and economic domain, White males reap the rewards to a massively skewed degree, even among those White males classified as poor, low-income and working class: If economic inequality is to be ameliorated, the policies proffered to address it must explicitly target gender and racial discrimination.

In other words, effective polices cannot be ‘race and gender neutral’, or they will simply fail (as they always have failed), precisely because such ‘economics/class only’ policies leave the fundamental framework of inequality in place: In this article we apply a process oriented life course perspective integrating intersectionality into a comparative analysis of intertwined longitudinal work and family life courses.

We offer an in-depth longitudinal thick description to jointly explore the gendered and racial privileges and disadvantages that black men, white men, black women and white women experience in the interaction of work and family life courses.

The analysis centers on black and white women and men during their most active family formation and career building phase between the age of 22 and 44.Our analysis reveals a significant association between work-family life courses for all intersectional groups except for white men.

black single mother) is likely to be much larger than the additive effect of each of these categories separately (Pager 2003).In addition the availability of support with child care in kinship networks, including the availability of grandparent care might be a crucial factor especially for black men and women who try to balance parenthood with unstable, inflexible and irregular work hours(Carrillo et al 2017).

20) This conception is clearly articulated in a report prepared for Funders for a Just Economy: “Folks within the traditional labor movement are increasingly seeing the need to build solutions that have impact at these intersections versus seeking a more transactional change that gets less at systemic change or long-term infrastructure and power.”  “You can build worker and community power, but duplicate male and white supremacy.

7, emphasis added) The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean has similarly recognized that inequality must be addressed in an intersectional manner, if it is to be eliminated: �Inequality is a concept that includes, but transcends income andrelates to the uneven exercise of rights, and unequal access to opportunities and capacity development, and unequal results �

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