AI News, Difference between revisions of "Collection of Computer Programs on Project Euler"

Difference between revisions of "Collection of Computer Programs on Project Euler"

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Walking along east Hastings Street in the Downtown Eastside of Vancouver one crisp January morning in 2010, I came across a perplexing set of white panels on the outer flank of the refurbished Woodward’s building.

The panels featured an explosion of repudiation: stark, black-lettered phrases like ‘hell no’, ‘i said no’, ‘no bloody way’, and ‘no way josé’.

Somewhere between multinational corporation and global institution, the International Olympic Committee sits at the heart of a vast interlocking structure of national and international bodies, sporting associations and sponsoring firms;

Based in Lausanne, Switzerland, where it is registered as a not-for-profit ngo, and enjoying tax exemptions wherever it touches down, the ioc made a profit of $383 million on the Beijing 2008 Summer Olympics, after routing a very substantial share of the $2.4 billion total revenue to other parts of the ‘Olympic Movement’.

‘Arnold, the greatest educator of modern times, is more than any other responsible for the present prosperity and the prodigious expansion of his country.

Coubertin was a straightforward adherent to the Social Darwinism of his time: ‘The theory that all human races have equal rights leads to a line of policy which hinders any progress in the colonies’—‘the superior race is fully entitled to deny the lower race certain privileges of civilized life’.

His inspired move was to marry imperial athletics with the massive World Fairs of the time—the early Olympics actually took place as sideshows to the Fairs—and to add a topping of pseudo-classical hymns, banners and laurel leaves.

As he had told the Chicago Association of Commerce in 1929, Brundage looked forward to ‘the development of a new race of men, actuated by principles of sportsmanship learned on the playing field .

As ioc president from 1952–72, Brundage was an enthusiast for the white-only teams of apartheid South Africa and had an evident fondness for Franco’s Spain, holding the ioc’s 1965 congress in Madrid where the Generalissimo himself read the opening speech.

Indeed Brundage’s favoured successor Juan Antonio Samaranch (1920–2010), the ioc president from 1980 to 2001, was a Falangist who regarded himself as ‘one hundred per cent Francoist’ up to the dictator’s death.

The son of a textile magnate, Samaranch married into old money and was rewarded in 1991 (by Felipe González) with an aristocratic title for his life’s work.

The Games had been going through troubled times before Samaranch took over: the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City would be remembered for the Black Power salutes of the victorious us athletes, tear-gas traces lingering over the stadium as police brutalized protesting students outside.

From this point on the ioc became the transnational giant that we know today, sailing on the vast streams of revenue generated by broadcasting contracts and by a corporate-sponsorship programme, top, which grants ‘The Olympic Partners’—Coca-Cola, McDonald’s, Dow Chemicals, Visa, Panasonic—the rights to use the ioc’s trade-marked Five Rings and flood global markets with ‘authentic’ Olympic-brand merchandise.

If the Games have always represented the grand political logic of the day—classical imperialist muscle-flexing, Cold War inter-bloc rivalry, Pax Americana—they now typically also summon an upsurge of political contestation wherever they go.

The ioc’s official charter forbids the expression of anti-Olympic dissent, stating in Rule 51, ‘No kind of demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues or other areas’.

And while the Vancouver Sun pegged protesters as a collection of ‘whiners and grumble-bunnies’ who could not ‘hold their tongues even on a special occasion’, anti-Olympics activists produced a spirited critique: taxpayer money was being squandered on a two-and-a-half week sports party rather than going to indispensable social services;

Barbara Yaffe, ‘pm’s strategy of controlling message fails to silence opponents’, Vancouver Sun, 12 February 2010.

The activism in Vancouver has been closer to the conception of organizing that Tom Mertes described in the global justice movement—‘an ongoing series of alliances and coalitions, whose convergences remain contingent’—than to an older model of mobilizations based on ongoing social solidarities.

Aware of this distinction, activists concertedly called their actions ‘a convergence of movements’ around ‘the Olympic moment’ rather than a ‘social movement’—a term that tends to flatten out heterogeneity and overstate continuity.

Though pro-Olympics boosters spent $700,000 persuading the public—140 times more than the ‘no’ side—only 26 per cent of those eligible voted in favour, on the basis of a total turnout of 40 per cent.

An uncommon blend of activists joined forces—indigenous dissidents, anti-poverty campaigners, environmentalists, anarchists, civil libertarians and numerous combinations thereof—resulting in a cross-cutting solidarity in opposition to the Games.

Resistance went far beyond the ngo circuit, taking the form of a two-track fight-back, with one wing working inside the institutional corridors of power and another applying pressure from the outside through direct action.

When British colonies became confederated as Canadian provinces in 1867, London had already signed treaties with aboriginal groups in alignment with the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which declared that only the Crown could obtain indigenous lands.

For the closing ceremonies of the 1976 Summer Games in Montréal, nine First Nations agreed to participate in a ‘commemoration ceremony’, in which their 200 representatives were joined by 250 non-indigenous dancers sporting costumes and paint, in an effort to pass themselves off as First Nations people.

Nevertheless, leaders from the Lil’wat, Musqueam, Squamish and Tsleil-Waututh First Nations agreed in 2004 to work together on hosting and assisting the 2010 Games—the first time the ioc had permitted aboriginal people to be official host partners.

Indian Country Today, a weekly that focuses on indigenous issues across the Americas, declared that the event was ‘a showcase for Native culture’, where ‘the vibrant and integral involvement of Native people in the Games’ was evident.

Anti-Olympics activists were quick to point out that even though the Olympic charter endorses ‘promoting the preservation of human dignity’, the ioc chose to hold the games on unceded Coast Salish territory.

The security budget was originally estimated at $175 million, but eventually skyrocketed to more than $1 billion, a process indigenous activist Gord Hill characterized as ‘police extortion from the ruling class’.

Police Chief Jamie Graham bragged about the infiltration of anti-Olympic groups by security agents: a police spy had wormed his way into becoming a bus driver who transported activists to a protest of the Olympic torch relay.

Shaw’s book analyses the ioc’s trajectory from ‘a relatively modest venture, more or less focused on sports’ to ‘an international megacorporation’.

He aptly warns: ‘Once a city has embarked on the path to win the Games, especially once it has been successful, the ioc sets the agenda for the next seven years: virtually everything done in the city and surrounding region is done for the Olympics, for the profits of the ioc and for those driving the local organizing committee.’ Shaw, Five Ring Circus, pp.

A legal challenge helped defang the ‘sign by-law’, but in line with the ioc’s ‘Clean Venue Guidelines’, the revamped by-law still forbade signs that undermined the logos of Olympic corporate sponsors.

After an outcry from artists, activists and civil-liberties groups, the city backpedalled, arguing that the mural was actually removed because of an anti-graffiti by-law, before ultimately relenting and allowing it to be reinstalled.

These micro-struggles exemplify the push-back on the part of civil libertarians and activists in advance of the Games, and their success demonstrates the importance of organizing early and often around questionable measures.

But because of negative press and intense pressure from activists, visu promised before the Games to erase the weapon function from its hard drive, essentially reducing it to an expensive megaphone.

Ostensibly a sop to protestors awarding them a clear space within sight of Olympic venues, media and spectators, the ‘safe-assembly areas’ still raised the hackles of activists, who saw them as tantamount to the ‘free-speech zones’ or ‘protest pens’ at us political conventions and the Beijing Olympics.

by the month before the Games, costs had ballooned to $6 billion, and post-Olympics estimates soared into the $8–10 billion range, with the City of Vancouver alone kicking in nearly $1,000 for every single person in town.

Nowhere is the difference between nouveau riche and old-school poor more glaring than in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside neighbourhood, an 8-by-15-block strip of gritty urban intensity that—outside aboriginal reserves—is Canada’s poorest postcode.

A security crew prevented unwanted outsiders, such as the camera-wielding media, from entering camp and helped ease tensions that arose inside the village, at one point ejecting two suspected police infiltrators.

Leadership emerged organically from the organizing efforts of the Power of Women Group, a collection of Downtown Eastside residents—many of them aboriginal elders—with deep roots in the neighbourhood, widely respected within activist circles.

Such necessary activities have been dubbed the ‘nano-level processes of forging solidarity’: unpredictable, open-ended and desirably untidy, ‘the life-blood of any movement’.

Although more than 100 organizations signed on in support of the action, numerous activists noted the conspicuous absence of the labour movement from anti-Olympics organizing.

Numerous activists I spoke with stressed that the creation of the Olympic Tent Village was not merely a symbolic act, but a material victory too: because of the action, approximately eighty-five people secured housing through the City of Vancouver and the state agency bc Housing.

Influenced by the French anti-poverty organization Children of Don Quixote, which used a similar strategy in late 2006 to raise consciousness about homelessness in Paris, Red Tent campaigners in Vancouver erected tents in high-traffic areas outside Olympic venues, leafleted event-goers and wrapped the Canadian Pavilion in red tarps, in the process going for a Guinness Book World Record for longest banner wrap.

Though the group embraced a legalist approach—aiming to pressure the federal government to create a national housing strategy—they also donated red tents to the Olympic Tent Village, an illegal seizure of space where confronting the state was a goal, not conversing with it.

At Evening News events, video activists showed raw protest footage, practising artists responded to the Olympics industry and its effects, and panels of activists and scholars debated particular themes.

Although the radio station was shut down in the early days of the Games by Industry Canada—the governmental body that oversees radio, spectrum and telecommunications standards across the country—whose intervening officials were sporting Olympic apparel, the poet-activists pressed ahead, streaming their show online.

One outcome may be what some social-movement scholars have termed ‘the radical flank effect’ whereby movements benefit from having a radical wing that makes progressive goals, tactics and strategies seem relatively moderate—and thus more palatable to the power structure.

The ‘diversity of tactics’ approach can also form a solidaristic bridge between ardent supporters of Gandhi-style nonviolence and those who accept property destruction as a legitimate tactic—but this is where cracks usually emerge.

The 13 February Heart Attack March—to ‘clog the arteries of capitalism’—was Vancouver’s Seattle moment: militants broke off from a planned march and used newspaper boxes and metal chairs to break plate-glass windows at corporations like the Hudson’s Bay Company, setting off intense discussions around tactics and strategies both inside and outside the movement.

A few days later Eby attended an Evening News forum, where he was slated to speak on a civil-liberties panel, and was pied by a disgruntled activist, who felt he had violated the spirit of solidarity undergirding the ‘diversity of tactics’ approach.

This event sparked a lively debate at vivo where the conversational temperature was high, but calming yet forceful interventions by Nicholson kept the event moving forward constructively.

and about the black-bloc tactic in particular and whether or not it’s actually helping move towards, from a civil-liberties perspective, a more democratic, equal and participatory kind of culture in Canada, or otherwise’.

Activists in Vancouver made clear this tension is not reducible to dichotomous camps, with ‘the traditional parties and centralized campaigns’ on one side and ‘the new movements organized in horizontal networks’ on the other.

Do hyper-masculinist shout-downs—or belligerent pie-smashing—create a fracture point that the state can take advantage of, by having macho infiltrators enter movements as agent provocateurs, since what some in Vancouver were calling ‘the angry manarchist white boys’ are relatively easy to emulate?

Born from the Olympic Resistance Network’s Media and Communications Committee, the vmc had the radical-media machine firing on all cylinders, providing the public with up-to-date information, politically driven art and all the news ‘unfit to print’ in the corporate media.

Though the received wisdom is that such media enable people to create content and document experience in lateral fashion—and they may help generate numbers at protest events—for the vmc’s Franklin López, these primarily ad- and event-driven services are the ‘social-media mafia’.

The Vancouver School Board announced an $18 million funding shortfall for the 2010–11 school year, which translated into reduced music programmes and hundreds of Vancouver teachers receiving pink slips.

The building of the Olympic Village has been described as ‘an aluminium-clad symbol of spatial injustice’ that: marks the long reterritorialization of the waterfront as an elite space, burying its working-class history deeper into the mud to have the waterfront transformation emerge as a real-estate gamble that hopes to shape the city’s future yet again.

Diewert points to a ‘deepened sense of trust’ emerging from actions like the Olympic Tent Village, which ‘has led to a strengthening of communities of resistance’ and ‘a deeper appreciation of the collective wisdom of people’.

The Olympics undoubtedly gave longtime Vancouver activists a positive boost and refreshed the ranks with energetic younger protesters who were given a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to soar over the hurdles that might have been present during ‘normal’ political times.

[1] Tripp Mickle, ‘ioc cashes in on Beijing’, Sports Business Journal, 13 July 2009;

[2] ‘Arnold, the greatest educator of modern times, is more than any other responsible for the present prosperity and the prodigious expansion of his country.

[4] Hans Joachim Teichler, ‘Coubertin und das Dritte Reich’, Sportswissenschaft, 1982, p.

[7] The son of a textile magnate, Samaranch married into old money and was rewarded in 1991 (by Felipe González) with an aristocratic title for his life’s work.

[8] Barbara Yaffe, ‘pm’s strategy of controlling message fails to silence opponents’, Vancouver Sun, 12 February 2010.

[9] Tom Mertes, ‘Grass-Roots Globalism’, nlr 17, September–October 2001, p.

[10] The term ‘event coalition’ is from Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Alliance, Cambridge 2005.

[14] Comités d’organisation des Jeux Olympiques, Montréal 1976, Games of the xxi Olympiad, Official Report, vol.

[22] Shaw’s book analyses the ioc’s trajectory from ‘a relatively modest venture, more or less focused on sports’ to ‘an international megacorporation’.

He aptly warns: ‘Once a city has embarked on the path to win the Games, especially once it has been successful, the ioc sets the agenda for the next seven years: virtually everything done in the city and surrounding region is done for the Olympics, for the profits of the ioc and for those driving the local organizing committee.’ Shaw, Five Ring Circus, pp.

[25] With an apparently lighter touch, officials promised ‘safe-assembly areas’ for the Olympics.

Ostensibly a sop to protestors awarding them a clear space within sight of Olympic venues, media and spectators, the ‘safe-assembly areas’ still raised the hackles of activists, who saw them as tantamount to the ‘free-speech zones’ or ‘protest pens’ at us political conventions and the Beijing Olympics.

[30] Although more than 100 organizations signed on in support of the action, numerous activists noted the conspicuous absence of the labour movement from anti-Olympics organizing.

[32] Personal interviews with Am Johal, 5 February 2010 and 17 August 2010.

[39] Michael Hardt, ‘Today’s Bandung?’, nlr 14, March–April 2001, pp.

Russia

However, years of economic mismanagement and stagnation, growing contradictions between formal and informal political practices, and conflicts within the leadership created uncertainty about the system’s domestic political prospects during 2017.

It became increasingly clear during the year that the Kremlin lacked the economic resources to stabilize its authoritarian system: Key elite groups were still involved in grand corruption, spending on defense and security agencies topped out, the Reserve Fund was exhausted, the deficits of regional governments exceeded 1.5 trillion rubles ($26.5 billion),1 and the combined public debt of regions and municipalities was 2.14 trillion rubles ($37.8 billion).2 Political conflicts among elites derived from their clashing economic interests, and vice versa.

For instance, the criminal case against former minister of economic development Aleksey Ulyukayev—initiated in 2016 by Igor Sechin, head of the state-owned oil company Rosneft—was evidently part of Sechin’s struggle against Prime Minister Dmitriy Medvedev’s government over power and resources.

Among the prospective candidates, his team alone had a clear agenda of liberal political and economic reforms for Russia, and only Navalny went to great lengths to create a sustainable regional network of volunteers and supporters, even in the face of increasing government pressure.

The municipal council elections in Moscow that month were the only example of open political competition in Russia during the year, though the opposition’s relative success was not sufficient for it to nominate a candidate for the city’s mayoral election in 2018.

Still, the civil society sector demonstrated resilience during the year, using crowd-funding tools and changing legal structures to avoid designation as “foreign agents.” The authorities tried to increase their stranglehold on independent media, and to more tightly control online communications between Russian society and the rest of the world, though the Kremlin still lacks the capability to establish truly comprehensive control.

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